Inequality and poverty

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The pandemic has once again exposed how unsustainable and inequitable the current food system is. In April of 2020, for example, while millions of Canadians faced financial insecurity and food insecurity, the Dairy Farmers of Ontario—the provincial organization that sets milk production quotas—began ordering farmers to dump their "surplus" milk. News agencies across North America reported the surpluses of dairy, eggs and produce caused by the closures of hotels and restaurants being dumped, crushed and otherwise destroyed.
In Winnipeg, hundreds of tickets have been issued for cycling on the sidewalk or “failing to exercise due care”. The vast majority of these have been in central neighbourhoods where there are few safe bike routes.
"It is certainly driven by young people,” Martin O’Hanlon, the president of CWA Canada told Kevin Philipupillai for his feature article on the Alphabet Workers' Union. “The new generation that are coming up have a different sense of what’s right, and they’re more sensitive to the fact that if their coworkers aren’t being respected for their diversity and their differences, that they’ve got to stand up and fight for that.”
This report provides the third installment in a series of papers that track the gap between Indigenous children and other children in Canada, using the after-tax Low-Income Measure (LIM-AT). That snapshot provides a disturbing picture of child poverty in Canada: one where First Nations children are far and away the most marginalized and economically disadvantaged. Tracking Indigenous child poverty and non-Indigenous child poverty trends between Census 2006 and Census 2016, it’s clear that these differences have not markedly changed over that 10-year period.
The purpose of this report is to underline the cost to the provincial governments of not addressing the needs of the population. The Atlantic region has had to invest to deal with the pandemic, first in terms of health care resources, and second, in terms of the social and economic impact of pandemic mitigation strategies. Thus far, our health care system has been fortunate to not have been as strained as other places in Canada that saw more infections and hospitalizations. As such, our governments have been able to largely rely on spending that has come from the federal government.
Le but de ce rapport est de souligner le coût pour les gouvernements provinciaux qui ne répondent pas aux besoins de la population. La région de l’Atlantique a dû investir pour faire face à la pandémie, premièrement en termes de ressources en soins de santé, et deuxièmement, en termes de l’impact socio-économique des stratégies d’atténuation de la pandémie. Jusqu’à présent, nous avons eu la chance que notre réseau de soins de santé n’ait pas été aussi sollicité que celui d’autres endroits au Canada qui ont connu plus d’infections et d’hospitalisations.
La pauvreté coûte en Nouvelle-Écosse La pauvreté coûte au Nouveau-Brunswick
Poverty Costs in Nova Scotia Poverty Costs in New Brunswick  Poverty Costs in Newfoundland and Labrador
Today the Canadian Centre for Policy Alternatives-Nova Scotia (CCPA-NS), along with partners in each Atlantic province, released The Cost of Poverty in the Atlantic Provinces. The report provides the total cost of poverty in the Atlantic provinces, which ranges from $2 billion per year in Nova Scotia to $273 million in Prince Edward Island. It costs close to $959 million in Newfoundland and Labrador and $1.4 billion in New Brunswick.

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